In his
article “Words of Mass Destruction in the Syria Debate,” Ty Solomon discusses
the significance of rhetoric in international politics. He identifies that an arbitrary categorization of an issue in
one State greatly affects the attention this issue receives from another State.
Specifically,
Solomon addresses the influence of the term “chemical weapons” in the (in)decision
of the United States and the United Kingdom to intervene in the Syria Crisis. He
notes that neither the United States nor the United Kingdom were interested in
intervening in Syria until the engagement of the term “chemical weapons” –in contrast
to “conventional” weapon, like guns and explosives. In addition to merely
noting this reality, Solomon persistently asks why this was the case. Why didn’t either the US or the UK care to
intervene in Syria until “chemical weapons” defined the issue?
This issue
can be considered more broadly: why does certain verbiage elicit a stronger
response or more concern from some States than other verbiage? A major focus of
Solomon’s argument is the arbitrariness of
categories that have such a crucial affect on the world’s response to these
issues. He identifies the consequences of arbitrariness when noting that issues
of so called “chemical weapons” and “weapons of mass destruction” receive more
attention than issues of “conventional weapons” --even though “conventional”
weapons “illicit much more mass destruction and human pain.” That is, the use
of “regular” guns and explosives is more widespread than other weapons and
consequently results in just as many, if not more, lost lives. So how is one
category considered more distinct from another? Or, more threatening than
another? Or, worth more attention that another?
Clearly
there is a strong degree of power in identifying such categories and assigning to
which category a State belongs. One category will receive aid or intervention
while another category remains neglected. An important question is: who governs
the rhetoric, which governs international politics? More candidly, who governs
the rhetoric that decides who lives and dies?
The
influence of rhetoric is an example of power, thereby relating to sovereignty.
Walter Opello and Stephen Rosow discuss sovereignty at length in their book The Nation-State and Global Order. Specifically,
in Chapter 10, “The Postcolonial State: Reflexive Sovereignty,” they discuss
sovereignty’s historical significance. They explain that sovereignty has been
used historically to establish and enforce dichotomies. One dichotomy is the
distinction between traditional societies and modern societies. They note that modern societies were viewed
more favorably than traditional societies.
When one
understands rhetoric as an exhibit of sovereignty, one can understand how
Solomon & Opello and Rosow’s arguments relate. The concept of traditional
versus modern still persists today. Sovereign states dictate what is
traditional and what is modern. In this discussion, conventional warfare is
traditional, and weapons of mass destruction or chemical warfare are modern.
Modern issues receive more attention than traditional issues –just as they have
historically.
Therefore,
states who are not sovereign (or of lesser sovereignty) must make active
attempts to be regarded as modern. They must recognize the lessons of history despite
the moral concerns associated with it. States who are not sovereign must
develop rhetoric that brings attention to their need. They must intentionally redefine what is traditional or modern, never allowing themselves the misfortune of being being categorized as the former. If that means coining their
issues as more concerning than another issue, then that is what must be done.
If that means exaggerating an issue, then so be it. In reference to Syria, if
that means coining the term “chemical weapons,” then this is a life-saving
solution. As Opello and Rosow state, State sovereignty is a modal feature of the
modern world, that is, a model that migrates and is taken up an reworked by indigenous peoples
according to particular circumstances and conditions.”
Olivia-
ReplyDeleteI disagree with a point you made in your last paragraph. You mention that states should try to seem modern, and that Syria does this by using chemical weapons. However, it seems like Syria shouldn't want to be associated with chemical weapons. Their use of chemical weapons almost caused a US intervention there, so chemical weapon use actually made them seem LESS sovereign. Furthermore, because using chemical weapons equates to our definition of human rights violation, their use reinforced the categorization of Syria as a failed state. Overall, I don't think that your definition of modernity increases Syria's international prestige or ability to define rhetoric.
It's interesting that you point out that Syria's use of chemical weapons nearly resulted in a loss of sovereignty. I hadn't considered that as I was referencing the Syrian victims of chemical warfare, not the perpetrators. But, I do agree that it's important to consider both sides. I was reading from the perspective of the victims of chemical warfare because when I was reading Solomon's article, I understood that the issue at hand was why didn't the victims receive more attention. My understanding was not necessarily "why didn't the Syrian government receive less attention?" However, I again acknowledge the significance of both sides.
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